Post

China’s Emerging Role in the Multilateral System

A presentation delivered at the University of Victoria

1.
U. VICTORIA PRESENTATION
China’s emerging role in the multilateral system

  • 1793: MISSION OF LORD GEORGE MACARTNEY TO THE QTNG
    EMPEROR QIAN LONG; QIAN LONG WROTE A NOTE TO MACARTNEY
    SA YING OF CHINA THAT ‘WE POSSESS ALL THINGS. I SET NOV ALUE
    ON OBJECTS STRANGE AND INGENIOUS, AND HA VE NO USE FOR
    YOUR COUNTRY’S MANUFACTURES’;
  • 2001: CHINA FORMALLY JOINS THE WORLD TRADE ORGANIZATION,
    IN A YEAR WHEN ITS TOT AL TRADE WAS: ; THE WTO AS THE
    WORLD’S MOST RULES’ BASED ORGANIZATION;
    2.
    EV AN MEDEIROS AND TAYLOR FRAVEL; CHINA’S NEW DIPLOMACY,
    FOREIGN AFFAIRS DECEMBER 03: CHINA ‘NOW LARGELY WORKS
    WITHIN THE INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM. IT HAS EMBRACED MUCY OF
    THE CURRENT CONSTELLATION OF INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTIONS,
    RULES AND NORMS AS A MEANS TO PROMOTE ITS NATIONAL
    INTERESTS’.
    THUS, IT TOOK OVER 200 YEARS FOR CHINA TO COMPLETELY
    REVERSE IT’S APPROACH TO THE WORLD.
    3.
    TWO QUESTIONS: I. WHAT KEY CHARACTERISTICS OF TODA Y’S
    CHINA DEFINES IT’S EMERGING ROLE IN THE INTERNATIONAL AND
    MULTILATERAL SYSTEMS? 2. WHAT ARE THE POLICY
    CONSEQUENCES OF THESE CHARACTERISTICS?
    OTHER QUESTIONS ALSO Itv1POSE THEMSELVES: WHAT WILL THE
    MULTILATERAL ORGANIZATlONS SEEK OF CHINA IN THE PURSUIT OF
    THEIR ATIONAL INTERESTS? WHAT WILL BE CHINA’S IMPACT, OVER
    TIME, ON THE PRINCIPAL MULTILATERAL INSTITUTIONS AND WHAT
    CAN THE MEMBERS OF THESE INSTITUTIONS DO TO OBTAIN A
    SYSTEMICALLY POSITIVE AND STRENGTHENING OUTCOME?
    4.
    THE DRIVERS OF CHTNA’S INTERNATIONAL ROLES CAN BE
    UNDERSTOOD AS: TWO STRENGTHS AND FOUR WEAKNESSES. TN
    CHINESE, WE MIGHT CALL THESE ‘LIANGJIANG, SILUO’.
    TELLINGLY, CHINA ITSELF BELIEVES THAT POWER MUST BE
    “COMPREHENSIVE”, IF IT IS GOING TO SHAPE GEOPOLITICAL
    REALITIES AND INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTIONS TO MEET ITS ENDS.
    CHINA HAS, HISTORICALLY, UNDER SO-CALLED “SCIENTIFIC
    SOCIALIS.M”, ANALYSED THE COMPONENTS OF NATIONAL POWER
    UNDER THE RUBRIC OF “COMPREHENSIVE NATIONAL POWER”.
    THERE IS AN ACTUAL ALGORITHM TO CALCULATE THIS. IT IS USED
    TO DETERMINE WHERE CHlNA IS VIS-A-VIS OTHER COUNTRIES.
    COMPREHENSIVE NATIONAL POWER CONSISTS OF:
  • MATERIAL OR HARD POWER (NATURAL RESOURCES,
    ECONOMICS, SCIENTIFIC AND TECHNOLOGY, AND MILITARY
    POWER);
  • SPIRIT OR SOFT POWER (POLITICS, FOREIGN AFFAIRS, CULTURE
    AND EDUCATION);
  • CO-ORDINATED POWER (LEADERSHIP ORGANISATION,
    COMMAND, MANAGEMENT, AND CO-ORDINATION OF NATIONAL
    DEVELOPMENT);
  • ENVIRONMENTAL POWER (INTERNATIONAL, NATURAL AND
    DOMESTIC).
    CLEARLY, CHINA DOES NOT YET POSSESS, NOR CONSIDER THAT IT
    POSSESSES THE COMPREHENSIVE POWER THAT IS ITS STATED
    OBJECTIVE. IT IS CHARACTERIZED BY A MIX OF STRENGTHS AND
    WEAKNESSES.
    CHINA’S STRENGTHS
  1. ECONOMIC GROWTH
    WE WOULD NOT BE GIVING CHINA THE ATTENTION THAT TT IS
    GETTING WERE IT NOT FOR ITS IMMENSE (EARTH-SHAKING, REALLY)
    ECONOMIC GROWTH AND TRANSFORMATlON. IT IS NOT ONLY THAT
    THE 2003 NUMBERS ARE IMPRESSIVE, IT IS THAT THEY REFLECT
    GROWTH RA TES THAT HA VE BEEN IN PLACE FOR A GENERATION.
    SINCE 1979, OVERALL GDP GROWTH HAS AVERAGED 9. 4%. LAST
    YEAR IT WAS 9. 1%. AT $1.4T, CHINA IS NOW THE WORLD’S 6 Tti
    LARGEST ECONOMY. GROWTH IS LEAD BY DOMESTIC AND FOREIGN
    INVESTMENT. WITH 40% IN GROSS SAVINGS, FIXED CAPITAL
    FORMATION INCREASED BY 26. 7% LAST YEAR. FDI REACHED ITS
    VITESSE DE CROISIERE IN 1993 WHEN ANNUAL FLOWS SURPASSED
    $30B, AND IN 1995 WHEN STOCK REACHED $100B. LAST YEAR, $53B
    IN FDI ENTERED CHINA, FOR A TOTAL STOCK ESTIMATED AT $503B.
    (TO COMPARE, CANADA HAS ATTRACTED AN AVERAGE OF USD $33
    BILLION/PER YEAR TN FDI OVER THE LAST 5 YEARS. )
    THE RESULTING FOREIGN INVESTED ENTERPRISES ACCOUNT FOR
    OVER HALF OF CHINA’S EXPORTS AND IMPORTS. EXPORTS ROSE
    35% IN 2003, TO $438B, IMPORTS GREW 40%, TO $413B. CHINA IS NOW
    THE WORLD’S 4TH LARGEST TRADING NATION. US TRADE
    DEPENDENCE ON CHINA ROSE FROM 3% A DECADE AGO, TO 11 %
    LAST YEAR; JAPAN HAS GONE FROM 2% TO 8%. IT HAS BECOME THE
    SECOND IMPORTER OF OIL, AFTER THE UNITED ST ATES, AND THE
    LARGEST IMPORTER OF IRON ORE, COPPER, FERTILIZER, NICKEL AND
    COPPER.
    CHINESE PER CAPITA GDP DOUBLED IN THE FIRST TEN YEARS OF
    REFORM (’78 TO ’87), AND THEN TOOK ONLY 9 YEARS TO DOUBLE
    AGAIN (’87 TO ’96). IN 1978, PRIMARY INDUSTRY ACCOUNTED FOR
    28% OF GDP, AND THE TERTIARY, SERVICES SECTOR WAS 24%.
    TODAY, THE SITUATION IS REVERSED, WITH PRIMARY AT 15% AND
    SERVICES AT ONE THIRD OF THE ECONOMY. MANUFACTURING HAS
    HELD ITS PLACE AT ABOUT HALF OF ECONOMIC OUTPUT.
    NOT INCLUDING, HONG KONG’S FOREIGN EXCHANGE RESERVES (USD
    $118 BILLION), CHINA’S OWN FX HOLDINGS ARE NOW $403 BILLION
    (A $100 BILLION DOLLAR INCREASE TN 2003), THE SECOND HlGI-.lEST IN
    THE WORLD, BEHIND JAPAN ($741 BILLION). CHINA MAY HA VE
    PURCHASED AS MUCH AS $75 BILLION IN US GOVERNMENT BONDS
    LAST YEAR.
    ETCETERA.
    THE CHINESE CO:M11UNIST PARTY AND ITS PRINCIPAL EXECUTING
    AGENCY, THE CHINESE GOVERNMENT, HA VE MADE ECONOMIC
    DEVELOPMENT ITS PRIMARY OBJECTIVE. “YI JINGJJ JJANSHE WEI
    ZHONGXIN”, AS THE SPEECHES AND PROPAGANDA PUT IT:
    ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT AS THE CORE OBJECTIVE. THE NUMBERS
    TELL ONLY PART OF THE STORY. A LOOK AT THE UNDERLYING
    POLICIES OVER THE LAST 25 YEARS SHOWS THAT, WHILE ERRORS
    HA VE BEEN MADE, HUGE DIFFICULTIES HA VE ALSO BEEN
    SURMOUNTED. THE TRACK RECORD IS THERE FOR ALL TO SEE, VIZ.
    THE SKYLINES OF SHANGHAI, GUANGZHOU, BEIJING, DALIAN,
    WENZHOU, HANZHOU, CHONGQING, SUZHOU, ET J’EN PASSE. AS
    LONG AS ONE DOESN’T LOOK TOO CLOSELY BEHIND THE
    ACHIEVEMENTS – AND MOST PEOPLE OUTSIDE CHINA DON’T – THE
    NUMBERS SPEAK FOR THEMSELVES. WE’LL COME TO THE STORY
    BEHIND THE STORY IN A MOMENT.
  2. GEOPOLITICAL WEIGHT
    CHINA COMMANDS A DIPLOMATIC PREMIUM. IT DOES SO BECAUSE
    THE SIZE OF ITS ECONOMY IS NOW A CLOSER REFLECTION OF THE
    COUNTRY’S HUGE POPULATION AND BREADTH. THE PREMIUM IS
    ALSO DUE TO THE REALITY THAT GROWTH HAS INCREASINGLY
    INTERTWINED ITS FATE WITH THAT OF THE 03, AND THE LEVEL OF
    INTERACTION APPEARS TO BE HEADED INEXORABLY UPWARD. IT
    SHOWS, IN TI-IB MINDS OF SMALLER PLAYERS, THE POSSIBILITY OF
    COUNTERING A POTENTIALLY HEGEMONIC USA. IT HAS CHOSEN TO
    EXERCISE A VERY ACTIVIST DIPLOMA TIC AGENDA. IT CAN
    DEMONSTRATE GREAT SKILL IN SETTING ITS PRIORITIES AND
    STICKING TO THEM.
    IT HAS BEEN IN THE PROCESS, OVER THE LAST FEW MONTHS, OF
    REDEFINING ITS CORE FOREIGN POLICY PRINCIPLES, MOVING
    BEYOND THE FIVE PRINCIPLES OF PEACEFUL COEXISTENCE (1954)
    WHICH 1-‘IAD HERETOFORE PROVIDED THE IDEOLOGICAL BEDROCK
    OF FOREIGN RELATIONS, TOW ARDS AN EQUALLY THEORETICAL
    (REMEMBER: MARXISTS MUST BE THEORETICIANS FIRST) BUT
    COMPREHENSIBLE FRAMEWORK FOR PROMOTING ENGAGEMENT
    AND PROSPERITY, PEACE AND SECURITY, THEMES ECHOED BY
    PREMIER WEN IN OTT AW A IN DECEMBER. THE FRAMEWORK SPEAKS
    OF ‘CONSTANTLY INCREASING COMMON GROUND’ AND PROMISES ‘A
    CHINA THAT NEVER SEEKS HEGEMONY FOR ITSELF, WHICH WILL
    MAKE FRESH CONTRIBUTIONS TO ASIA’S REJUVENATION AND
    RENEW AL’. IT PROMOTES GLOBALIZATION, ASSERTING THAT ‘THE
    WORLD ALSO NEEDS ASIA FOR PROSPERITY AND PROGRESS’.
    THESE DECLARATIONS ARE ABOUT AS CREDIBLE AS OUR FAMOUS
    ‘PILLARS’. WHAT MATTERS IS THE PRAG MA TIC, NOT TO SAY
    DRAMATIC, REVERSAL OF POLICIES, FROM THE MAOIST MIX OF
    REVOLUTIONARY IDEOLOGY, AUTARCHY AND REALPOLITIK OF THE
    SOS, 60S AND 70S, TO BROAD-BASED AND LARGELY SUCCESSFUL
    ENGAGEMENT WlTH THE USA, EUROPE AND CHINA’S NEIGHBOURS IN
    THE 1990S AND INTO THIS CENTURY.
    THE ECONOMIC IMPERATIVE STILL COMMANDS. IT rs THE ‘NE PLUS
    ULTRA’ OBJECTIVE THAT TRUMPS ALL OTHERS (EXCEPT,
    IMPORTANTLY, FORT AlW AN), AND UNDERPINS THE SEARCH FOR
    LEGITIMACY OF THE CCP. ECONOMIC RELATIONS IN THEIR
    SPECIFICS, VIZ. MARKET ACCESS, MOUS ON STANDARDS, FX
    ARRANGEMENTS, R&D COLLABORATION, RESOURCE DEALS, EVEN
    FT AS NOW CARRY EQUAL WEIGHT, IN ALL POLICY ST ATE:MENTS AND
    DECLARATIONS, TO THE HARDY PERENNlALS OF ENHANCED
    POLITICAL RELATIONS AND THE ONE CHINA POLICY.
    BUT CHINA’S STRENGTHS GO BEYOND THEORETICAL CONSTRUCTS,
    RINGING DECLARATIONS AND ECONOMIC ACHIEVEMENTS. THE
    POINT IS THAT CHINA’S DIPLOMATIC SKILLS ARE ALSO A VERY
    SIGNIFICANT PART OF CHINA’S VISIBILITY IN THE GLOBAL
    COMMONS.
    TO ILLUSTRATE: CONSISTENT WITH ITS PRAGMATIC AND FOCUSSED
    APPROACH TO PRIORITIES, CHINA IS SYSTEMA TI CALLY
    CONSTRUCTING PARTNER RELATIONSHIPS ON ITS PERIPHERY, THE
    HISTORICAL LOCUS PRIMUS OF ITS FOREIGN POLICY. IT IS ALSO THE
    REGION THAT MUST MAKE THE GREATEST ADJUSTMENTS TO
    CHINA’S RISING IMPORTANCE. CHINA’S NEIGHBOURS NEED TO BE
    REASSURED THAT OPPORTUNITIES OUTWEIGH THE THREATS, BE
    THEY ECONOMIC OR IN MATTERS OF SECURITY. IN THESE RESPECTS
    AS WELL, CHINA CAN LEGITIMATELY CLAIM CONSIDERABLE
    SUCCESS.
    KOREAS CHINA LEADS THE USA, JAPAN, ROK AND RUSSIA IN THE
    MANAGEMENT OF NEGOTIATIONS WITH UNIVERSALLY ACCLAIMED
    BAD-BOY DPRK IN THE PROCESS OF DENUCLEARIZATION OF THE
    KOREAN PENINSULA, A ROLE THAT IS THRUST UPON IT BY THE NEED
    TO STABILIZE IT’S NORTHEAST FRONTIER. ARGUABLY, CHINA
    CONTROLS AS MANY LEVERS AS HAVE THE US AND ROK. IT HAS – SO
    FAR – VERY SKILFULLY MANAGED IMMENSELY COMPLEX SET OF
    COMPETING PRIORITIES.
    RUSSIA CHINA AND RUSSIA SIGNED A GOOD-NEIGHBOURLY TREATY
    OF FRIENDSHIP AND COOPERATION IN 2001, AND FOLLOWED UP WITH
    JIANG-PUTIN JOINT STATEMENT IN 2002 THAT HAS RESTRUCTURED
    THE MAJOR ASPECTS OF THEIR POLITICAL, ECONOMIC AND
    SECURITY RELATIONS. AMONG OTHER THINGS, THESE RECOGNIZED
    THE SETTLEMENT OF OUTSTANDING BORDER ISSUES;
    “UNDERSTANDINGS” ONT AIW AN IN EXCHANGE FOR
    CONDEMNATION OF UIGUR INDEPENDENCE ACTIVISTS;
    FACILITATION OF BORDER TRADE; MARKET ACCESS AND FOREIGN
    EXCHANGE MECHANISMS; PROMOTION OF CRUDE OrL AND NATURAL
    GAS PIPELINES (AL THOUGH THE JAPANESE HA VE UNDERCUT CHINA
    ON THE FORMER, WITH THE ‘ANGARSK-NAKHODKA’ PIPELINE
    THREATENING TO REPLACE ‘ANGARSK-DAQING’ AS THE PREFERRED
    ROUTE). RUSSIA ACCEPTS THE PRESENCE OF ONE HUNDRED TO TWO
    HUNDRED THOUSAND CHINESE TN ITS FAR EAST (IRKUTSK HAS 20,000
    PRC CITIZENS), A SMALL PRICE TO PAY FOR BECOMING CHINA’S
    PRINCIPAL SUPPLIER OF RELATIVELY SOPHISTICATED WEAPONRY,
    INCLUDING SOVREMENY CLASS DESTROYERS, SU30 FIGHTER
    AIRCRAFT AND KILO CLASS SUBMARINES.
    MONGOLIA PRESIDENT HU STRENGTHENED RELATIONS WITH
    MONGOLIA LATE LAST YEAR THROUGH BALANCING ITS ECONOMIC
    DOMINANCE BY EXTENDING $300M JN LOANS. CHINA COULD
    BECOME, BY 2005, MONGOLIA’S LARGEST SOURCE OF ODA. IT IS
    ALREADY ITS LARGEST TRADING AND INVESTMENT PARTNER.
    CENTRAL ASIA THE SHANGHAI COOPERATION ORGANIZATION HAS
    GROWN FROM ITS 1996 ORIGINS TO BECOME, SINCE 2001, THE MAJOR
    CHINESE VEHICLE FOR PROMOTING COOPERATION WITH CENTRAL
    ASIA. WHAT HAD INITIALLY BEEN A :MEANS FOR ADDRESSING
    BORDER DISPUTES AND SECURITY IN THE POST-SOVIET ERA HAS
    GROWN TO INCLUDE BROAD ECONOMIC OBJECTIVES. A SUMMIT
    HELD IN MOSCOW IN MAY 2003, FOLLOWED BY A MEETING OF
    PREMIERS IN SHANGHAI lN SEPTEMBER HAVE GIVEN THE SCO ITS
    ESSENTIAL POLITICAL BLESSINGS. OFFICES HA VE BEEN OPENED IN
    BEIJING (THE SECRETARIAT, AS WELL AS ECONOMIC ISSUES) AND IN
    BISHKEK, KYRGYZSTAN (ANTI-TERRORISM CENTER). ON ENERGY,
    PROGRESS IS BEING MADE ON THE SINO-KAZAKH OIL PIPELINE
    WHICH WILL LINK THE CASPIAN CITY OF A TYRAU TO CHINA’S
    WESTERN XINJIANG PROVINCE, AND UL TIMA TEL Y PROVIDE 3 .SM
    BARRELS PER DAY OF CRUDE. CHINESE STATE OIL COMPANIES
    HAVE INVESTED IN THE AZERBAIJAN’S PIRSAAT AND AZERI OIL
    FIELDS. TURKMENISTAN’S LEADER SAPARMURATNIYAZOV HAS
    ACCORDED CHINA PREFERENTIAL TREATMENT ON NATURAL GAS
    DEVELOP!vlENT, INCLUDING THE CONSTRUCTION OF A GAS PIPELINE,
    ALSO TO XfNJIANG.
    INDIA CHINA HAS DIRECTED A STEADY SHIFT OF EMPHASIS FROM
    LONG-STANDING RELATIONS WITH PAKISTAN TOWARDS INCREASED
    COLLABORATION WITH INDIA. BEYOND THE SUCCESSION OF HIGH
    LEVEL VISITS AND PLETHORA OF DECLARATIONS IS ALSO REAL
    PROGRESS ON OUTSTANDING BORDER ISSUES – THE SECOND ROUND
    OF BORDER TALKS WERE CONCLUDED IN JANUARY. INDIA
    MAINT AlNS 40% OF ITS FOR WARD TROOP DEPLOYMENT ON THE
    INDIA-CHINA BORDER. RESOLUTION OF THE BORDER ISSUES WTLL
    FREE SUBSTANTIAL FORCES FOR DEALING WITH PAKISTAN AND
    KASHMIR. CHINA ALSO AlMS AT NEUTRALIZING US INFLUENCE IN
    INDIA. TRADE WITH INDIA WILL SURPASS $10B THIS YEAR.
    ASEAN SINCE 1997, CHINA HAS SIGNED AGREEMENTS WITH EACH OF
    THE ASEAN COUNTRIES AIMED AT DEVELOPING SOUND BILATERAL
    RELATIONS. IN 2000, CHINA PROPOSED AN ASEAN/CHTNA FTA. A
    FRAMEWORK AGREEMENT WAS SIGNED IN PHNOM PENH IN 2002.
    CHINA AND ASEAN HA VE ALSO SIGNED AN AGREEMENT AGAINST
    THE USE OF FORCE TN THE SETTLEMENT OF DISPUTE IN THE SOUTH
    CHINA SEA, AS WELL AS AN AGREEMENT ON NON-TRADITIONAL
    SECURITY THREATS. IN 2003, CHINA ACCEDED TO THE ASEAN
    TREATY OF AMITY AND COOPERATION. MOST OF THE ASEAN
    COUNTRIES ARE IN SURPLUS IN THEIR TRADE WITH CHINA. ASEAN
    TRADE WITH CHINA HAS GROWN RAPIDLY ON THE STRENGTH OF
    INCREASED INTEGRA TTON, A PROCESS THAT WILL BE FURTHER
    ACCELERATED AS THE PTA PROVISIONS ARE NEGOTIATED AND TAKE
    EFFECT.
    CHINA’S DIPLOMATIC SKILLS HOWEVER ARE LESS OBVIOUS WITH
    RESPECT TO RELATIONS WITH JAPAN. CHINA HAS NOT DEVELOPED
    A STRATEGY THAT CAN OVERCOME THE TWIN REALITIES OF THE
    HTGHL Y POLITICIZED HISTORICAL LEGACY OF JAPAN’S INVASIO OF
    CHINA IN THE 1930S AND 1940S, AND THE UNCERTAIN BUT
    POWERFUL COURSE OF HAN NATIONALISM, A FORCE WHICH EVEN
    THE COMMUNIST PARTY CANNOT FULLY CONTROL. THUS, THE
    STEADY STREAM OF REMINDERS OF THE PAST -Y ASUKUNI – OR
    INSULTS – JAPANESE SEX PARTIES IN ZHUHAI ON THE DATE OF THE
    MARCO POLO BRIDGE INCIDENT; INSENSITIVE JAPANESE STUDENT
    SKITS IN XIAN; EXPLODING MUSTARD GAS CANISTERS IN THE
    FORMER MANCHURIA – ADDED TO THE KNOWLEDGE THAT OTHER
    SUCH INCIDENTS ARE ONLY GOING TO CONTINUE TO ARISE –
    OVERWHELM AN OTHERWISE STRONG RELATIONSHIP BASED ON
    TRADE- OVER $100B IN 2003, AND DEVELOPMENT COOPERATION ($1B
    PER YEAR), NOT TO SPEAK OF TOURISM, STUDENTS AND OTHER
    PEOPLE TO PEOPLE EXCHANGES. THEY ALSO IMPEDE PROGRESS ON
    OUTSTANDING ISSUES SUCH AS SENKAKU/DIAOYUT AI, OR LEAD TO
    SERIOUS COMPETITION ON SUCH ISSUES AS ENERGY FROM RUSSIA.
    KOIZUMI IS THE ONLY SENIOR NATIONAL LEADER WHO HAS NOT
    YET UNDERTAKEN AN OFFICIAL VISIT TO CHINA, AND NO CHINESE
    LEADER PRESIDENT OR PREMIER HAS VISITED JAPAN SINCE 2000.
    THE WEIGHT AND SIGNIFICANCE OF ECONOMIC SIZE AND
    DIPLOMATIC SKILL CANNOT BE UNDERESTIMATED IN EXPLAINING
    CHINA’S RISE TO PRE-EMINENCE. THEY ALSO CREATE A VIRTUOUS
    CIRCLE WHICH PROVIDE THE WHEREWITHAL TO DEVELOP OTHER
    STRENGTHS, AND INCREASE THE BENEFITS OF GLOBAL
    INTERACTION.
    BUT THESE ALONE DO NOT PROVIDE CHINA WITH THE KIND OF
    POWER THAT UNDERPINS GLOBAL SECURITY OR SHAPES
    INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTIONS. IMAGINE THE DISTANCE WE ARE
    FROM A WORLD WHERE THE CHINESE NA VY PROVIDES THE
    SECURITY FOR THE STRAITS OF MALACCA, WHERE THE SHANGHAI
    STOCK EXCHANGE SETS THE TRENDS IN GLOBAL SECURITIES
    MARKETS, WHERE THE GLOBAL AUDIENCE FOR THE GOLDEN
    ROOSTER AW ARDS IS GREATER THAN THAT FOR THE OSCARS,
    WHERE THE YUAN BECOMES ONE OF THE WORLD’S THREE RESERVE
    CURRENCIES, OR THE PUBLIC DECLARATIONS OF NGOS AND HUMAN
    RIGHTS GROUPS HAIL CHINA AS A MODEL FOR DEMOCRATIC
    DEVELOPMENT, AND WE CAN SEE WHAT A DISTANCE CHINA HAS TO
    TRAVERSE BEFORE BECOMING A REAL COMPETITOR TO THE US OR
    EU.
    THUS, IT’S WEAKNESSES:
  3. MILITARY WEAKNESS CHINA HAS NOT INCONSIDERABLE
    STRENGTHS: MANPOWER – 2.4 MILLION UNDER ARMS, INCLUDING 1.6
    MILLION IN THE GROUND FORCES, 417,000 IN AIR FORCE AND 230,000
    IN THE NA VY. THIS DOES NOT INCLUDE OVER 1 MILLION IN THE
    RESERVES. THERE IS LITTLE D1FFICUL TY TN RECRUTTJNG FROM AN
    UNEMPLOYED PEASANTRY. IT HAS THE NECESSARY POLITICAL
    WILL – THE CCP IS ASSIDUOUS IN INDOCTRINATION OF THE PLA. THE
    PLA IS EXPLICITLY AN ARMY OF THE PARTY AND NOT A NATIONAL
    ARMY AS ITT AKES PAINS TO CONFIRM IN REGULAR BRJEFINGS TO
    FOREIGN VISITORS. JIANG ZEMIN STILL HEADS THE CENTRAL
    MILITARY COMMISSION, TO WHICH HE BRINGS ALL OF HIS PRESTIGE
    AND CONNECTIONS.
    HOWEVER, TO CITE AMERJCAN SOURCES, THE SOLE CREDIBLE
    LONG-RANGE POWER PROJECTION ASSETS IN PLA INVENTORY
    CONSIST OF ICBMS (17+ ), IRBMS ( 46), SLBMS (ABOARD ONE XIA
    NUCLEAR BOAT AND A DOZEN CONVENTIONAL BOATS); SRBMS ( 4+ ),
    TRACKING SYSTEMS AND PHASED ARRAY RADARS. IN ADDITION, IT
    POSSESSES A CURRENT ARSENAL OF BETWEEN 410 AND 440 MISSILES,
    MOSTLY AIMED AT TAIWAN, TO WHICH IT IS ADDING ABOUT 50 NEW
    MORE LETHAL MISSILES ANNUALLY. THE PLAN HAS FEW MODERN
    SHIPS AND VERY LIMITED FORCE PROJECTION CAPACITY, BUT IT
    MUST BE NOTED THAT THE NAVY IS MODERNISING THE MOST
    RAPTDL Y AND MANY NEW MODERN DESTROYERS AND FRIGATES
    ARE UNDER CONSTRUCTION. ON THE LAND AND IN THE AIR, IT HAS
    A WIDE ARRAY OF CONVENTIONAL TANKS (8,200) AND AIRCRAFT
    (5,400). MANY OF THESE ARE OBSOLESCENT AND INEFFECTIVE
    AGAINST A MODERN FORCE. MOREOVER, IF THEY CANNOT GET TO
    WHERE THEY ARE REQUlRED, IT MATTER LITTLE HOW MANY ARE TN
    HANGARS.
    FURTHERMORE, CIBNESE CAP ABILITY TO DEVELOP, PRODUCE AND
    INTEGRATE SOPHISTICATED MILITARY SYSTEMS IS LIMITED AND
    LIKELY TO REMAIN SO FOR AT LEAST A DECADE. THE DESIRE TO
    ACCELERATE THE CAPABILITY IS CLEAR AND THE GENERAL
    EQUIPMENT DEPARTMENT IS FOCUSSING ON IT BUT SUCCESS HAS
    BEEN HAMPERED BY THE RIGID HIERARCHAL AND CENTRALISED
    COMMAND STRUCTURE OF THE MILITARY. FOREIGN ACQUISITION
    OFFSET BUT FALL SHORT OF COrvfPENSATING FOR THESE
    WEAKNESSES. GENERALLY SPEAKING CHJNESE DEFENCE
    INDUSTRIES HA VE A POOR RECORD OF PROVIDING THE PLA WHAT
    THEY NEED. THAT HA YING BEEN SAID, SIGNS OF MORE EFFECTIVE
    DESIGN, INTEGRATION, PRODUCTION AND PROCUREMENT
    APPROACHES AND SYSTEMS ARE EVIDENT.
    THE CURRENT RELIANCE ON RUSSlA FOR DESIGN, PRODUCTION,
    REP AIR AND MAINTENANCE OF SHIPS, SUBMARINES AND FIGHTER
    AIRCRAFT rs SIGNIFICANT, BUT RUSSIA IS NOT TRANSFERRING THE
    MEANS OF PRODUCTION FOR WEAPONS SYSTEMS AND END USE
    ITEM.SOR EVEN KEY COMPONENT PARTS. MOREOVER, THE
    RUSSIANS ARE CLEARLY NOT SELLING THE TOP OF THE LINE
    EQUIPMENT TO THE CHINESE. MILITARY COLLABORATION WITH
    CHINA IS VIEWED IN RUSSIAN MILITARY CIRCLES AS A WAY TO
    OBI AIN HARD CURRENCY AND TO KEEP ITS OWN PRODUCTION AND
    RESEARCH FACILITIES OPERA TING. IT IS UNLIKELY IHA T THE
    CHINESE CAN RELY ONLY ON RUSSIA EXCLUSIVELY. SIGNIFICANT
    DIPLOMATIC AND FINANCIAL EFFORT HAS BEEN EXPENDED ON
    ACCESSING OTHER SOURCES. CHINA’S NEED FOR WESTERN
    TECHNOLOGY IS PROFOUND AND ALL EFFORTS ARE BEEN USED TO
    OBT ATN ACCESS – FAIR OR FOUL.
    FINALLY, COMPARE THE CHINESE MILITARY TO ITS PUTATIVE
    ADVERSARIES IN THE NEIGHBOURHOOD.
    JAPAN: 242,600 ACTIVE FORCES, AND A NA VY HA YING 16 SUBS, NINE
    DESTROYERS, 48 FRIGATES ETC. ALL IMPORTANT JAPANESE
    EQUIPMENT IS RELATIVELY NEW AND TOP RA TE.
    ROK; 560,000 GROUND FORCES; 60,000 NAVY, INCLUDING 14 SUBS,
    ONE DESTROYER, 33 FRIGATES ETC. THE MILITARY IS RELATIVELY
    WELL EQUIPPED.
    TAIWAN: 376,000 PLUS 1,660,000 ACTIVE RESERVES. THE CAPABILITY
    OF THE TAIWAN MILITARY IS LIMITED BECAUSE OF ITS AWKWARD
    COMMAND AND CONTROL SYSTEM AND EVEN NOW VESTIGES OF
    THE OLD KMT SECRECY.
    USA: IT RETAINS, IN THE VICINITY OF CHINA, IN THE ORDER OF
    100,000 TROOPS AT ALL TIMES, INCLUDING AT BASES IN GUAM,
    JAPAN, ROK, AND SINGAPORE. OPERATIONALLY THE FORCES IN THE
    ASIA-PACIFIC BELONG TO PACOM, ONE OF FIVE US INTEGRATED
    COMMANDS, HEADQUARTERED IN HAW All. THE PACOM FORCES ARE
    LARGELY NAVAL AND AIR WITH A GOOD PROPORTION OF THE
    TROOPS PROVIDING FACILITIES AND EQUIPMENT THUS
    FACILITATING FORCE PROTECTION AND SUSTAINMENT. THE US HAS
    A PROVEN RECORD OF DEPLOYING AND SUSTAINING TROOPS
    ANYWHERE IN THE WORLD: THEIR POWERFUL CARRIER BA TILE
    GROUPS, AIR FORCES AND EFFECTIVE COMMAND AND CONTROL
    CAP ABILITY HA VE A DEMONSTRATED FORCE PROJECTION
    CAP ABILITY THAT CANNOT CURRENTLY BE MATCHED.
    THUS, CHINA DOES NOT YET POSSESS AND WILL NOT FOR THE 15 TO
    20 YEARS, ACCORDING TO SOME US STUDIES, POWER PROJECTION
    CAP ABILITIES THAT WILL MAKE IT OVERWHELMINGLY DOMINANT
    IN EAST ASIA. IN ADDITION, ITS TRANSITION TO A MODERN
    FIGHTING FORCE IS LIMITED BECAUSE OF ITS CENTRAL FOCUS ON
    THE TAIWAN SITUATION.
  4. MICROECONOMIC WEAKNESSES
    CHINA’S MACRO-ECONOMIC GROWTH MAY BE THE SUM OF MICROECONOMIC
    DEVELOPMENT, BUT THE SPEED OF THIS DEVELOPMENT
    HAS CREATED DISTORTIONS THAT LIMIT THE CHINA’S POTENTIAL,
    AT LEAST IN THE SHORT TO MEDIUM TERM. THIS ARGUMENT IS
    ELABORATED IN THE SEP ARA TE PAPER – GLOBALIZATION AND
    CHINA’S REFORMS, WIDCH MAKES THE FOLLOWING POINTS:
    WHILE THE 1990S OFFERED AN INTERNATIONAL ENVIRONMENT THAT
    WAS AT ONCE NON-THREATENING AND FAVORABLE TO CHINA’S
    RAPfD ECONOMIC EXP ANSI ON, THE COMING DECADE WILL BE MORE
    DIFFICULT, FOR REASONS MORE CLEARLY AS SOCIA TED WITH
    DOMESTIC BOTTLENECKS THAN UNFORESEEN (AND
    UNPREDICTABLE) INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENTS. IN ORDER TO
    SUSTAIN GROWTH fN AN INCREASINGLY COMPETITIVE
    ENVIRONMENT, CHINA WILL HA VE TO REFORM MORE PROFOUNDLY
    ITS ECONOMIC SYSTEM, BY ALLOWING INCREASED TRANSPARENCY,
    OPEN DOMESTIC MARKETS, STRONGER REGULATORY INSTITUTIONS
    AND POSSIBLY A POLITICAL SYSTEM MORE OPEN TO COMPETITION.
    TO ILLUSTRATE: CHINA HAS BECO11:E A POWERHOUSE PRODUCER OF
    WHJTE GOODS AND CONSUMER ELECTRONICS, REMINISCENT OF THE
    DEVELOPMENT STRATEGIES OF JAPAN, KOREA AND THE SOUTHEAST
    ASIAN TIGERS. CHINA IS REAPING THE BENEFITS OF IMPLEMENTING
    AN FDI FAVOURABLE ENVIRONMENT, IN A COUNTRY WHOSE
    CONSUMER MARKET MAY GROW TO SPECTACULAR PROPORTIONS. IT
    HAS ESSENTIALLY A BOTTOMLESS POOL OF INEXPENSIVE LABOUR,
    INCLUDING WELL EDUCATED YOUNG ADULTS COMING ONTO THE
    LABOUR MARKETS. CHINESE PRODUCERS BENEFIT FROM MODEST
    R&D SUBSIDIES, AND THERE ARE (DECLINING) SUBSIDIES FOR
    EXPORTS, IN THE FORM OF VAT REBATES.
    BUT CHINA HAS MANY SIGNIFICANT WEAKNESSES THAT WILL TAKE
    TIME TO OVERCOME. FOR EXAMPLES:
  • IT DOES NOT YET POSSESS A SUPPORTIVE FINANCIAL
    INFRASTRUCTURE (CHINESE BANKS DO NOT INVEST IN INNOVATION;
    FOREIGN BANKS ARE FORBIDDEN TO DO SO; THE STOCK MARKETS
    ARE HIGHLY RIGID, ONLY LIST SOEs, AND THERE IS LITTLE
    TRANSPARENCY IN THE CORPORA TE BOOKS; ITS VENTURE CAPITAL
    MARKETS ARE PRIMITIVE TO NON-EXISTENT; IT DOES NOT HA VE A
    BOND MARKET; ITS BROKERS ARE CORRUPT) ;
  • IT POSSESSES VERY FEW GLOBAL COMPANIES, AND VIRTUALLY NO
    KNOW BRANDS; WHAT NATIONAL BRANDS IT DOES HA VE DO NOT
    PROVIDE A MARGIN OF PROFITABILITY;
  • THE PATENT BASE IS NOT YET DEVELOPED (A RAND SURVEY NOTED
    THAT CHINA REGISTERED 195 TECHNOLOGY PA TENTS LAST YEAR,
    VS. 86,610 IN THE US, IN THE SAME SECTOR);
  • MANAGEMENT AND MARKETING SKILLS ARE VERY WEAK;
  • IP PROTECTION IS POOR TO NON-EXISTENT. ET CETERA.
    THESE PROBLEMS ARE FUNDAMENTAL AND STRUCTURAL. MANY
    REQUIRE THE EVOLUTION OF ADVERSARIAL SYSTEMS SUCH AS A
    TRULY INDEPENDENT LEGAL SYSTEM, AN INSTITUTION WITH WHICH
    THE CCP DOES NOT NOW WISH TO CONTENANCE.
    MORE TO THE POINT, THE LIST ABOVE INDICATES CLEARLY WHERE
    CANADIAN AND FOREIGN FIRMS WILL FIND THEIR STRENGTHS: IN
    MANAGEMENT, DISTRIBUTION, QUALITY, ACCESS TO CAPITAL ETC.
  1. SOCIAL AND POLITICAL WEAKNESSES
    THE AUTHORITARIAN POWER OF THE CCP MAY CREATE THE
    IMPRESSION THAT, DOMESTICALLY, CI-IlNA IS STRONG, BUT IN MANY
    WAYS IT IS WEAK.
  • THERE ARE IMMENSE GAPS IN STANDARD OF LIVING BETWEEN
    THE EASTERN AND WESTERN PARTS OF THE COUNTRY
    (BEIITNG’S PER CAPITAL GDP lS 9 TIMES THAT OF GUIZHOU);
    BETWEEN THE URBAN RICH ($4,000 PER CAPITA) AND THE
    RURAL POOR (TWO HUNDRED MILLION CHINESE LIVE ON LESS
    THAN $1 PER DAY);
  • THE CCP RELIES ON LENINISM, AUTHORITARIANISM, LACK OF
    TRANSPARENCY AND A FREE PRESS; IT HAS LITTLE VISIO FOR
    THE FUTURE OTHER THAN WHAT IT BORROWS FROM ABROAD
    ON MATTERS OF GOVERNANCE, AND THE FIRM INSISTENCE ON
    ITS OWN SURVIVAL, AT A TIME WHEN WHAT THE COUNTRY
    NEEDS IS OPENNESS, RULE OF LAW, AND DEMOCRACY FOR
    PARTICIPATION IN GROWTH AND DEVELOP:MENT;
  • THERE IS AN OVER RELIANCE ON COERCION AND THE
    SECURITY ESTABLISHMENT;
  • THE RISKS TO GROWTH ARE MANY: ON PROBABILITY CURVE,
    THEY INCLUDE PARALYSIS THAT COMES FROM POLICY
    DISPUTES WITHIN THE PARTY; LACK OF PUBLIC FAJTH TN
    BANKING SYSTEM, AND ITS ATTENDANT FALLOUT;
  1. LACK OF MORAL LEADERSHIP
    TO BE TRULY POWERFUL, A COUNTRY MUST EXPRESS AND EMANATE
    HIGHER GOALS. IT MUST REPRESENT IDEALS AND IDEAS. ITS PEOPLE
    AND THEIR GOVERNANCE MUST BE MODELS FOR OTHERS TO
    FOLLOW. ITS ARTS MUST INFLUENCE ARTS AND STYLES IN OTHER
    COUNTRIES, IN OTHER MEDIA.
    THE UNITED ST ATES HAS ITS FREEDOMS AND ITS POPULAR
    CULTURE. FRANCE HAS ITS REVOLUTION AND ITS DEMOCRATIC
    IDEALS. CANADA HAS ITS WELCOME TO THE IMMIGRANTS OF THE
    WORLD, AND ITS ENVIABLE WAYS OF ADDRESS.ING SOCIETAL
    CONFLICTS. JAPAN HAS GIVEN THE WORLD A UNIQUE CUISINE.
    Cl-IlNA WILL ONE DAY INFLUENCE NOT ONLY THROUGH ITS
    ECONOMTC AND GEOPOLITICAL MIGHT, BUT THROUGH ITS CULTURE
    AND, ONE HOPES, THE AMALGAMATION OF ITS HISTORICAL LEGACY
    WlTH DEMOCRATIC IDEALS AND PRACTICES UN1QUE TO MODERN
    TIMES. CHJNA IS NOT YET IN THAT POSITION. IT IS NOT A MODEL FOR
    GOVERNANCE AND THE REGIME’S TREATMENT OF ITS OPPONENTS IS
    PROFOUNDLY DISTURBING.
    IT WILL NOT BE A TRUE POWER UNTIL BOTH ITS GOVERNANCE HAS
    LESSONS FOR THE WORLD, AND ITS ART FORMS HA VE FOUND
    ACCEPTANCE THROUGHOUT THE WORLD, AN ACCEPTANCE
    COMMENSURATE WITH ITS WEALTH AND ACCOMPLISHrvffiNT.
    CHINESE FOREIGN POLICY
    OUT OF THIS MIX OF STRENGTHS AND WEAKNESSES EMERGE A SET
    OF FOREIGN POLICIES, WITH THE FOLLOWING CHARACTERISTICS:
  2. IDEOLOGY:
    AT THE CORE OF THE CCP’S THINKING IS THE ‘YIGE ZHONGXlN,
    LIAN GE JIB END IAN’, WHICH IMPOSES LENINIST TRUTHS THAT
    CANNOT BE DISPUTED. THEORY IS IMPORTANT
    a) FROM POST REVOLUTIONARY MAOIST SUSPICION OF
    INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTIONS AS VEHICLES TO CONSTRAIN CHINA;
    b) TO AN IDEALISTIC PHASE OF FOREIGN POLICY WHICH EXPRESSED
    THE BELIEF IN REVOLUTION AND CHANGE – A NEW UNITED NATIONS
    FOR EXAMPLE, THE POWER OF THE NON-ALIGNED;
    c) TO DENG XIAOPING AND ‘TAOGUAN YANGI-nJI, YOUSHOU ZUOWEI’;
    VIZ KEEP A LOW PROFILE, BUT ACT WHEN NEEDED;
    d) TO 1997 AS PRECIPITATING A FUNDAMENTAL CHANGE IN THE
    FOREIGN AFFAIRS MIND-SET, ONE THAT AFFIRMED TI-IE IDEA THAT
    CERTAIN PROBLEMS, LIKE FINANCIAL STABILITY, ECONOMIC
    GROWTH, EVEN SECURITY, COULD BE ASSISTED THROUGH
    MULTILATERAL AND PLURILATERAL COLLABORATION, AS WELL AS
    BILATERAL; THESE ARE NOT IN COMPETITION, BUT RATHER WORK IN
    HARMONY;
  3. A MULTIPLICITY OF POLICY OBJECTIVES
    a) SOVEREIGNTY AND TERRITORIAL INTEGRITY
    b) SECURITY
    c) RETENTION OF TAIWAN
    d) ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT
    e) PROIBCTION OF A POSITIVE IMAGE TO THE WORLD.
  4. FOREIGN POLICY OF TRANSITION AND PRAGMATISM, FLEXIBILITY
    AND INNOVATIVENESS, SOMETIMES IN COMBINATION WITH STASIS
    AND CONSERVATISM.
    IT IS CHARACTERIZED BY LONG-TERM THINKING AND PLANNING,
    THE ‘REACTIVE MINIMALISM’ APPROACH AT THE UNITED NATIONS,
    CAUTION AT THE WTO.
    BUT IT ALSO SHOWS CREATIVITY AND DRIVE, SUCH AS WITH ASEAN
    PLUS ONE, THE CREATION OF THE SHANGHAI COOPERATION
    ORGANIZATION, STRATEGIC RELATIONSHIPS INSTEAD OF
    ALLIANCES, WITHKEYPARTNERS.
  5. HIERARCHY OF RELATIONS, AT BILATERAL AS WELL AS
    MULTILATERAL LEVELS.
    THE UNITED STATES, IN BEIJING, AS IN OTTAWA, IS PRIMUS IN A
    CATEGORY ALL ITS OWN. THE NEIGHBOURS – 14 CONTIGUOUS LAND
    BORDERS AND ABUTMENT OR OVERLAPPING CLAIMS AT SEA ‘WITH
    MORE THAN HALF A DOZEN OTHERS – EITHER SINGLY OR GROUPED,
    AS IN A SEAN OR IN THE SHANGHAI COOPERATION ORGANIZATION,
    HA VE THEIR OWN PRIVILEGED AND NOT-SO-PRIVILEGED PLACES,
    AND RES UL TING POLICY SETS.
    THIS LEAVES ABOUT 145 OTHER COUNTRIES. THESE TOO HA VE THEIR
    HIERARCHY, AND IT IS NOT TOO DIFFICULT TO DIFFERENTIATE
    WHO’S ON FIRST, OR RATHER, SECOND AND TlilRD AS THE
    HIERARCHY HERE RELATES RATHER TO MEASURABLE FACTORS.
    THERE IS A CERTAIN ‘GIVEN’ IHA T CONSISTS LARGELY OF THE
    ‘CRITICAL MASS’ OF THE RELATIONSHIP. ECONOMIC BENEFITS –
    TRADE AND INVESTMENT, TECHNOLOGY FLOWS, ACCESS TO
    RESOURCES ETC – WEIGH HEAVILY ON THIS SCALE. OTHER FACTORS
    SUCH AS LINKAGES IN THE FIELD OF EDUCATION, SCIENCE AND
    TECHNOLOGY, TOURISM ARE IMPORTANT. BECAUSE GOVERNMENT
    POLICIES CAN SHAPE THESE FACTORS OVER TIME, FOREIGN
    MINISTRIES, INCLUDING OUR OWN, SPEND A GREAT DEAL OF EFFORT
    TO ESTABLISHING PRIORITIES AND DEVOTING RESOURCES TO THE
    ‘BROADENING AND DEEPENING’ EFFORT.
  6. THE ECONOMIC IMPERATIVE, AS SEEN THROUGH:
    a) THE USA/CHINA RELATIONSHIP
    b) ECONOMIC DIPLOMACY WITH ASEAN, MONGOLIA, AFRICA
    c) RESOURCE DIPLOMACY THROUGHOUT THE WORLD, ESPECIALLY
    TARGETING OIL AND GAS, BUT ALSO OTHER MINERALS
  7. THE MANAGEMENT OF INTERNATIONAL SECURITY
    a) THE KOREAN PENINSULA
    b) US, INCLUDING TAIWAN
    c) NON-PROLIFERATION AND WMD
    d) INTERNATIONALIZATION OF THE FIGHT AGAINST THE ‘THREE
    EV1LS’ OF EXTREMISM, TERRORISM AND SEPARATISM
    THESE ARE TI-IE REAL PILLARS OF CHINA’S FOREIGN POLICY TODAY.